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4.3.1.Comparison and degree modification of pseudo-participles

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Section 2.3.1, sub III, has pointed out that pseudo-participles and a limited number of deverbal adjectives differ from the remaining set-denoting adjectives in that they allow their PP-complement to occur on their left. The same thing is true for the stranded preposition of a PP-complement; in some cases the stranded preposition even appears to the left obligatorily. Finally, 2.3.1, sub III, has discussed that degree modifiers like the intensifier erg may precede the pre-adjectival PP-complement and even must precede the pre-adjectival stranded preposition. The relevant examples are repeated in (139).

139

a.	Jan is erg	met dat voorstel	ingenomen.
	Jan is very	with that proposal	delighted
	'Jan is very delighted with that proposal.'

a'.	Jan is er	niet	erg	mee	ingenomen.
	Jan is there	not	very	with	delighted
	'Jan isnʼt very delighted with it.'

b.	Jan is erg	tegen dat voorstel	gekant.
	Jan is very	to that proposal	opposed
	'Jan is strongly opposed to that proposal.'

b'.	Jan is er	zeker	erg	tegen	gekant.
	Jan is there	certainly	very	to	opposed
	'Jan is certainly strongly opposed to it.'

The examples in (139) show that the modifier erg does not modify the head of the AP, in which case we would expect it to be adjacent to the adjective and thus to follow (the stranded preposition of) the PP-complement; instead, it seems to modify the AP as a whole. The structure of the examples in (139) is therefore approximately as given in (140), in which PP stands for the base-position of the PP-complement of the adjective.

140

[... erg [AP PP A]]

Now consider the examples in (141), which do not involve an adjectival modifier but periphrastic majorative and maximative constructions. These examples show that, like the modifier erg, the periphrastic elements meer and het meest may precede the pre-adjectival PP-complements (see also Section 4.1.3, sub VC), and must precede the pre-adjectival stranded prepositions. The same orders arise in minorative and minimative constructions, that is, if we replace the periphrastic elements meer and meest in (141) by minder and minst, but this will go unillustrated here.

141

a.		Jan is meer/het meest	met dat voorstel	ingenomen.
		Jan is more/the most	with that proposal	delighted

a'.		Jan is er	meer/het meest	mee	ingenomen.
		Jan is there	more/the most	with	delighted

b.		Jan is meer/het meest	tegen dat voorstel	gekant.
		Jan is more/the most	to that proposal	opposed

b'.		Jan is er	meer/het meest	tegen	gekant.
		Jan is there	more/the most	to	opposed

The word orders in (141) show that periphrastic comparative/superlative elements do not modify the head of the AP, which means that these examples can be assigned the structures in (142), which are similar to the one in (140) in all relevant respects. This word order similarity between the examples in (139) and (141) is therefore a first indication that modification and comparison formation can or must be treated on a par.

142

[... meer [AP PP/P A]]

[... meest [AP PP/P A]]

Of course, it is clear that a similar argument cannot be used when we are dealing with morphological comparative or superlative forms: these are derived by means of affixes, which must be supported by a stem: this means that the adjectival stem and the comparative/superlative suffix are strictly adjacent by definition. Now, let us consider in more detail an adjective like geschikt voor ...'suitable for', which allows both the periphrastic and the morphological comparative/superlative. The examples in (143b&c) show that the stranded preposition may either precede or follow the adjective in the periphrastic construction, just as in (143a), in which the adjective is modified by the intensifier erg.

143

a.	een vak	waar	Jan erg	<voor>	geschikt <voor>	is
	a profession	where	Jan very	for	suitable	is
	'a profession for which Jan is suitable'

b.	een vak	waar	Jan meer	<voor>	geschikt <voor>	is
	a profession	where	Jan more	for	suitable	is
	'a profession for which Jan is more suitable'

c.	het vak	waar	Jan het meest	<voor>	geschikt <voor>	is
	the profession	where	Jan the most	for	suitable	is
	'the profession for which Jan is the most suitable'

However, if we use the morphological comparative or superlative form, placement of the stranded preposition in front of the adjective leads to severe ungrammaticality, as is shown in (144).

144

a.	een vak	waar	Jan <*voor>	geschikter <voor>	is
	a profession	where	Jan for	more.suitable	is
	'a profession for which Jan is more suitable'

b.	het vak	waar	Jan <*voor>	het geschiktst <voor>	is
	the profession	where	Jan for	the most.suitable	is
	'the profession for which Jan is the most suitable'

This remarkable unacceptability of the order with the stranded preposition preceding the adjective can be accounted for by assuming that the morphological comparative/superlative form occupies the same position as the elements erg, meer and meest in (140) and (142). Since it is reasonable to assume that the base structures of the examples in (143) and (144) are similar, the surface position of the adjective must be the result of leftward movement. Consequently, the derivations of the examples in (144) start with the base structure in (145a), in which the stranded preposition may either precede or follow the adjective. Then we derive the morphological form of the comparative/superlative by moving the adjective into the position of the affix -er/-st, as in (145b), as a result of which the morphologically complex forms A -er and A -st are created. The result of this movement of the adjective is that the comparative/superlative necessarily precedes the stranded preposition.

145

[... -er/-st [AP (P) A (P)]]

[... A-er/-st [AP (P) t (P)]]

Movement of the adjective, as in (145b), applies not only in the case of morphological majoratives/superlatives. Consider the examples in (146). In (146a), it is shown that the stranded preposition of the complement of the pseudo-participle bedacht'cautious' may either precede or follow the adjective. However, if bedacht is modified by the complex modifier zo ... mogelijk'as ... as possible', as in (146b), the stranded preposition must follow the adjective; actually, it must follow the element mogelijk as well. Something similar holds if the adjective is modified by the element genoeg'enough', as in (146c).

146

a.		Ik	ben	er	<op>	bedacht <op>.
		I	am	there	for	cautious

b.		Ik	ben	er	zo	<*op>	bedacht <*op>	mogelijk <op>.
		I	am	there	as	for	cautious	as.possible

c.		Ik	ben	er	<*op>	bedacht <*op>	genoeg <op>.
		I	am	there	for	cautious	enough

This can be accounted for by assuming that the elements mogelijk and genoeg occupy the same position as the affixes in (145), and that for some reason the adjectives must undergo the same movement as in (145b). In other words, the base structure of the examples in (146b&c) is as indicated in (147a), and the examples in question are derived by moving the adjective to a position in front of mogelijk/genoeg, as in (147b).

147

[... mogelijk/genoeg [AP (P) A (P)]]

[... A mogelijk/genoeg [AP (P) t (P)]]

If we are on the right track with this proposal, it can be seen as a second argument in favor of assuming that modification and comparative/superlative formation must be treated on a par. Section 4.3.2 will give somewhat simpler additional evidence in favor of this view.

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About this article

Author(s): Hans Broekhuis

Category: Dutch Syntax

Keywords: AdjectiveDeverbal AdjectivePseudo-Participle

Version: 1.0, December 2015

Version history:

version	editor(s)	date	remarks
1.0	Hans Broekhuis	December 2015

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